By Bond Robertson 
STOCKHOLM (Dagbladet): With four days until the calendar appears On Sunday, and thus Election Day in Sweden, it is still unclear whether it will be the right or the left that can eventually be crowned with victory.
It is equally unclear who will form the government together after voters have their say.
One would, of course, have thought that eight years of social democratic rule—much of that time characterized by chaos and conflict—would make it easier for Haq to regain power.
When that’s not the case, the point is that this year’s elections in Sweden are still what they’ve been in years: a referendum on the far-right, anti-immigration Sweden Democrats. This spectacle may give strong support to the SD among their sympathizers, but it does not appear to confer the general right any advantage. exactly the contrary.
Jimmy Okeson is the leader of SD And the most controversial figure in Swedish politics. In two recent elections, it made the party the third largest in Sweden. Now it aims to become the second largest. Measurements show it is in good condition. In recent weeks, the party has been quick to bypass the moderates, Sweden’s response to the Norwegian right.
It is normal to create a bad atmosphere. Perhaps it is easier to understand the problems translated into Norwegian terms. If the FRP becomes larger than the Conservative Party (it has also become in two parliamentary elections), it will be significantly more difficult to achieve some form of civic assembly.
Such cooperation would have been more difficult for the Conservative Party, the Liberal Party, and the Iraqi Kurdistan Party. The right’s position as the ruling party on the right would have been strongly challenged, and Finster and Kurdistan probably did not want to enter government with the FRP as the dominant party. The political dynamics in Sweden are similar.
Sweden’s Democrats’ growth has already exploded In parts of the civil friendliness that existed to the extent that it once existed. In 2006, Sweden’s four bourgeois parties – the Moderates, the Liberals, the Center Party and the Christian Democrats – almost went to the polls together. Alliance The mass is called itself. There is no such thing in this year’s elections. The reason is called the Swedish Democrats.
The growth of the SPD has already pushed one bourgeois party into the arms of the left, the Center Party. The party led by Annie Love doesn’t quite resemble the Trygve Slagsvold Vedum project here at home. Strictly speaking, they are closer to the left. The party is self-proclaimed bourgeois, ardent supporters of Sweden’s EU membership, and considerably more liberal and green than the somewhat nationwide conservative party we have in the country.
One thing is the same anyway: the center is now for all practical purposes on the left in Swedish politics and supports a Social Democrat prime minister. A similar maneuver was conducted by the Norwegian Center Party in the early 2000s. The background is that it is out of the question for the party to participate in a government that needs support in the Swedish parliament from the Swedish Democrats.
Likewise, she has little The strategically competent Liberal Party (which is also Finster’s sister party) has been on a political outing in the desert for two years. The party provided the parliamentary basis for a social democratic government after the 2018 elections, but has now returned to the right where it appears deeply uncomfortable.
The Liberals are the right-wing party most skeptical of the Swedish Democrats – largely mutual suspicion. The other two parties on the right, the Moderates and the Christian Democrats, do not seem overly enthusiastic about possible government involvement from the Liberals.
This election is more recognizable from the Norwegian point of view than its predecessors. It is also easy to understand for those who follow Norwegian politics a bit.
We see a clearer division in Swedish politics than before: right versus left. Each of the eight parties in the Swedish parliament has a Norwegian “sister”, although there are significant differences between them. Only Red lacks an equalizer, although there are many effects for them in the Left Party.
Opinion polls show a stalemate between the two blocs. That means the tension will be high when the first election forecast comes in late Sunday night. But the tension is not over yet. It is almost impossible politically to have a majority government after elections. Thus, the new government must be prepared to maneuver in the turbulent political atmosphere after the elections.
If Prime Minister Magdalena Anderson and the Social Democrats manage to secure a majority with the Center Party, the Green Party and the Left Party, there will still be very difficult rounds to see which of them will sit in government. Everyone is demanding to sit in the government, but he still excludes sitting with those they do not like. Neither the Social Democratic Party nor the Center Party wants the Left Party. On the other hand, the latter requires a place in the government to support Anderson as additional prime minister.
It seems a requirement, but it is not impossible. I think it will be worse on the right side.
The Liberals have previously shown their willingness to provide a parliamentary basis for a left-wing government. If the Swedish Democrats become the largest party on the right and turn it into similar political influence, it could create a movement at the center of Swedish politics.
This is how Jimmie Åkesson is still a problem in Sweden, especially for the Right.
Many political commentators, Also here in Norway, trying to explain the growth of Åkesson and SD by the fact that no other parties are willing to talk to them. Thus, they stood alone on an issue that became increasingly important to Swedish voters, namely immigration and integration.
It may well happen, but such an analysis is too simple and flawed. It does not explain why the Swedish Democrats are prevented from cooperating with other parties.
For a party with roots in Nazism, and which still advocates a policy contrary to liberal democracy and the rule of law, there should be no wide open door to cooperation. Of course, the political and moral line must go somewhere.
Not least, many voters will do it And the parties at the center of Swedish politics still do not take the SD with tweezers. That is why the party poses noise and strategic difficulties for right-wing parties, which also rely on securing voters and parties from the center in Swedish politics.
Sweden ended up in a turbulent political landscape. It may be useful to recall that the problems are called the Sweden Democrats and Jimmy Akesson, and not necessarily those who do not want to cooperate with him.